Journalism Back To Democracy

Journalism back to democracy

Introduction

In this essay we will address the issue of journalism back to democracy in the year of 1979 in Ecuador. It is a tour in the history in which we can observe the disrespect for democratic institutions, the absence of a rule of consolidated law and marked social asymmetries account for the deficit yields of the regime.

In which journalism, the media and dissemination of this era were censored they were not allowed to do their work in a correct way, since they were repressed regarding the information that they could disseminate. Journalists and writers struggled for a press that allowed freely expressing their contradictory feelings to the ideologies of the course governments: "… the Ecuadorian man always vibrated when it came to fighting for his run over dignity" (García, 1979).

Two factors decisively influenced the mediocre yields of the regime. On the one hand, the absence of a consolidated party and electoral system around ideological programs and loyal voters. On the other, a poor institutional framework regarding the protection of citizen rights, the balance between powers and the right and timely sanction to those who break the social or political agreements. In Ecuador there are not or there are any type of restrictions for the exercise of the vote. He is recognized as a right and duty – due to his mandatory character – although he is an optional for citizens between 16 and 18 years, military and police, and for people over 65 years old.

Developing

“The enrollment of the voters is not necessary as the electoral registry is automatically generated from the Civil Registry. In that aspect, and despite the fact that the evaluations carried out on the quality of the electoral roll have detected some errors, these do not have the necessary magnitude to speak of a violation of the exercise of the right cited ”However, until 1979 the illegated ones were excluded from thePossibility of suffering, with what marginalized the indigenous population from the vote, among which the highest illiteracy indices were concentrated. With the return to democracy, such a barrier was eliminated, granting in such cases an optional or optional vote.

For Fray Vicente, who promoted the press with a free thought, the newspaper will be “the main instrument for the dissemination of ideas and their combat weapon, because Solano is one of the greatest and most fearsome polemicists than he has producedEl País ”(Barrera, 1979).

Ecuador is a lowly low and highly dependent country of its oil exports. In fact, while in the period 1979 2005 oil represented 37% of the central government income and 48% of the average exports, during the recent oil exports boom (2005 – 2008) this item rose to 49% of thegovernment income and 60% of average exports (Albornoz and Mejía Acosta, 2009). As a consequence, the distribution of oil income has been an issue of intense political conflict, since there is an expectation that greater wealth would have a positive impact on the economic and social conditions of citizenship.

However, although the price of oil directly affects government income, spending, tax balance and economy growth, there is no evidence that such wealth contributes to improving socio -economic indicators. On the contrary, a reduction in oil revenues due to production interruptions (as in 1987) or for falls in international prices (as in 1999 and 2008), could increase poverty and social inequities.

Within Ecuadorian democracy it is possible. The first begins with the return to democracy and concludes with the early way out of President Bucaram. It is an emergency stage of new political leaderships and at the same time of conflicts between actors elected and non -elected exclusionary interests and regional interests. To this is added the extension of electoral participation, which brings with it the emergence of specific demands of indigenous sectors and other minorities.

We say that in terms of redistribution or redistributive, there is an intense search for the greatest sources of political and economic power. Ecuadorian democracy has elapsed throughout the period (1979) from an institutional blocking end to another of univocal personalism. In this process, and despite the promulgation of three constitutional letters, political pluralism, the elaboration of stable public policies and the balance in the relationship between powers of the State were and remains residual.

In the end, the sedimentation of political institutions, respect for the empire of the law and the construction of full citizenship in terms of rights and obligations are still issues to build. Without them, the yields of the democratic regime will continue to present the unevenness that this work has evidenced.

conclusion.

As Ecuadorian newspapers were also extinguished. Many of them were created with the need to support political groups during the elections and then to combat those who came to power; the most concurrent inclinations between the media were liberal, who were close to the government, conservative, satirical and opposition. The journalists and the writers, in addition to social and political justice, also have worried about disseminating and defending the culture of Ecuador. They have done it with participations in Latin America, through the foundation of institutions and especially newspapers and magazines created for this purpose of dissemination . In this way they leave us as a legacy of the struggle for a better country, a better government and a better journalism.