Slut walk
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Slut walk is a worldwide grassroots movement meant to end sexual violence against women. The transnational movement organizes nationwide campaigns protesting against slut shaming and victim blaming during rape incidences. The movement is believed to have started in Canada in 2011 when women took to the street to protest against sexual injustice and derogatory labeling (Reger, 2015). These movements are widespread in various parts of the country, but their primary motive is to protest against victimization of the female gender in the society. Slut walks are not only meant to draw the attention of the general public, but they are also geared towards exerting immense pressure on feminism.
Rape victims in various parts of the world are often slut-shamed. Some scholars argue that the type of clothing that women wear may predispose them to sexual assault. This raises a question on whether women are to blame for most rape incidents. Besides their intriguing attires, protesters carry placards and banners with messages meant to subvert the stigma associating rape with the type of clothing (Reger, 2015). Every year, protester dress in attire which resembles those of a slut and marches to subvert the rape culture persistent in the society. Mainstream media follows their activities closely including covering some of their protests.
Slut walk movements have been applauded all over the world due to their ability to empower women and advocate for women’s rights.
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The movements are also meant to promote gender equality and condemn male chauvinism in the society. Slut walks are accompanied by speaker settings, seminars, and workshops where rape survivors are given an opportunity to talk to fellow women regarding some of the challenges they face and how they can address them (Reger, 2015). The movement has also been criticized on claims that they have neglected women of color.
Reference
Reger, J. (2015). The story of a slut walks: Sexuality, race, and generational divisions in contemporary feminist activism. Journal of Contemporary ethnography, 44(1), 84-112.
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