The Influence Of The Peace Agreement In Colombia

The influence of the Peace Agreement in Colombia

In the course of the following state of art we will find several points of view, with differences and similarities, of the different authors who develop their knowledge about the points to be treated during the investigation, which results in a debate which synthesizes the relationship between The increase in illicit crops and armed conflict, among these authors we find: (Ortiz, 2003, pages. 143-166) in its article, illicit crops and new rurality in Colombia, explains and synthesizes how illicit crops intervene in the development of land planting activities; We also find in research: drugs, armed conflict and global security in Colombia, a support for the increase in the demand for heroin and cocaine produced in Colombia as a source of development in the illegal market, capacity of terrorist groups to import and export cocaine In addition, countries and the development of significant phases in the illegal drug economy. (Meza, 2003).

Likewise, the article: internal armed conflict, illicit crops and local governance, analyzes and categorizes the factors involved in increasing illegal crops and armed conflict as well as establishes a sectorization of the affected areas giving relevance to the department of South Pacific. (Borrero, 2004).

However, comparing the theses of the two articles, it is necessary. However, each author synthesizes this idea from different points of view.

Then, in the development of the theme, it is evident that, economic reforms have generated important effects on rural institutionality, which translate into hundreds of families facing an agricultural sector in crisis, marginality and violence, but that continue to produce and adapting, with enormous difficulties and a high social and economic cost, to the process of globalization and economic openness.

Illicit crops have found here a conducive context for underdevelopment. And well, these aspects are complex in the regions where peasants and indigenous. Cobos, e. (As cited in Ortiz, C. (2003)).

In opposition, the article of (Meza, 2003) establishes, the increase in the demand for heroin and cocaine produced in Colombia as a source of development in the illegal market, as well as the capacity of terrorist groups to import and export cocaine to others countries and the development of significant phases in the illegal drug economy.

(Borrero, 2004) It also emphasizes the typicity of the different actors that influence and in the same way affect the region, the development of the theme occurs under the parameters of a geo war strategy in Colombia, which divides In strategic corridors the country, emphasizing the search for profitability in these sectors by its armed actors, however, it should be stressed that the periodicity of the article allows the reader to establish a categorization and historical positioning against this problem.

Meza (2003) based on the increase in the illegal drug economy, two phases that generated this increase in Colombia, these phases determine that: a first moment related to its situation as a drug processor and exporting country, which in regard to regard Cocaine covers from the late 70s to the present, under that context and until 1993, Peru and Bolivia were constituted in the initial productive base of the drug chain. In that period some Colombian areas developed productive models of illegal coca crops, according to the author this was one of the fundamental phases, so that an economic method has been created which benefit day by day, each of the criminal groups that support its Economy in this criminal action, however, there is also a second moment, initiated from 1993-1994 that shows boom in the cocalera production of the country.

Complementing what it raises (Meza, 2003), (Borrero, 2004) establishes that the relationship between drug trafficking and armed conflict is circular and one is complementary to the other, so that crops, their production and control of the The same is derived in multiple criminal activities and factors such as the form of economic organization, which can be better explained in seven ways depending on the presence of armed groups, factors that help position a territory as a producer or not of illicit drugs, seeing The condition to the civilian population can see an approach to the social sphere.

Also, Ortiz (2003) establishes that, with respect to specific objectives, the increase in illicit crops such as another form of subsistence for people with limited resources, an idea that arouses why communities decide to choose this activity to survive. Likewise, Pinzón (2006) in its article “Effects of illegal crops on the natural environment” establishes that, the areas affected by this type of crop have been subjected to changes in their social structure, making said business a subsistence alternative , where, countless elements of the community have been modified in a region, marking the presence of illegal armed groups capable of generating destabilization and displacing the presence of the State in these regions, which generates a migratory phenomenon, which modifies on a large scale the population density of the affected regions. In addition, with the migratory effect it is generated directly that, in each of the cities where the population moves, it is taken as more economical labor.

Likewise, it is evidenced in the postulate: Colombia as a drug and exporting country of drugs, lived an intense war directed by the State against drug trafficking organizations settled in the main cities, which generates high levels of violence as a result of extraditation to the bosses Of the internationally known structures as posters, the benefit of the development of the increase in illicit crops in Colombia, a gender that the Colombian population saw this crop as a tool for the quality of life of each of the Colombians, for this reason in the Pass of the years Colombians who have dedicated themselves to coca cultivation, defend it because it is an economic support in families. (Meza, 2003)

While, (Borrero, 2004) dedicates a specific point to the explanation of the theme of illicit crops and how they develop in a simpler way in terms of minifundios, however, he states that in charge of the spokesmen of the communities Acceptance is given to crop replacement programs, even if the alternative is not as profitable as illicit culture, even when in this type of communities it is understood that this type of crop are, one of the easiest simple economic solvency ways , they are recognized as generators of illegality, violence, corruption and damage to the environment.

On the other hand, once reviewed (Ramírez, 2008), it establishes that, due to its marginalization and by the absence of the State at the borders, in particular in the Amazon, the favorable scenario for the implementation of the contemporary armed conflict with guerrillas was created, paramilitaries and coca, establishing that the economy of drugs and war takes advantage of the spontaneous interaction of different economies and regulations, hence, what is prohibited here is allowed there. However, recognizing that illegal networks are cross -border and sterritorialized, and protect themselves by appealing to the border and imposing their regulations, through corruption, extortion, kidnapping and murder. And it is evidenced as, the emptiness that leaves the absence of joint action of the states is fills by the economy of drugs and war.

Accrediting the above, Gelvez (2018), says, “the areas that develop a dependency with illicit crops are usually characterized by low levels of effective presence of the State, with a limited provision of goods and services, low levels of insertion to the economy legal, high social vulnerability and lack of control by the government. Sample of them are the cases of Afghanistan, Mexico and Colombia, where the problem of crops is not only an issue that affects security, but is closely linked to development."

In the hypothesis established by Ortiz, once its nature is understood, what is sought with this work is to recognize the factors that affect the growth or decrease of these crops in the area of ​​Pacific South of Colombia, this, framed in the period of Presidency of Juan Manuel Santos, in the same way the signing of the Peace Agreement with the FARC-EP will be studied, in order to verify whether there is a directly or indirectly proportional relationship between these events.

With its objectives, the first about the social and second transformation over the new rurality, is shown as other sectors and/or factors are influential in social changes and especially in the agricultural field. Thus, from the vision of the twenties, focused on the analysis of the landowner-minifundio relationship, it is passed in the sixties to treat concern about commercial exchanges with the outside, unemployment and peasant decomposition, then conceiving the agrarian problem. Bejarano, (1978) (as cited in Ortiz (2003)).

However, it is necessary to identify the eradication process in Colombia, which is not a set object In colombia. In. In addition, the author demonstrates that there are different variables that are not stipulated in the objectives but that are fundamental to end this problem, therefore they are dependent variables that are strategic for the development of the research, among these variables we find that we fumigate Through air sprinkling in Colombia it is a totally effective tool in terms of illicit crops but, it is also totally debatible to use the effects that it has in front of the environment and also the use of strategies that do not harm the environment, but That they do not have a 100% effectiveness such as sprinkling, among these techniques, there are zone recovery programs, in which all personnel who use these crops as economic development are educated.

In addition, it must be recognized that (Borrero, 2004) emphasizes one of the points that is fully in the end of the issue to investigate is the policy of eradicating illegal crops within which the fumigation with glyphosate, manual destruction finds , among others, although sprinkling stopped for a moment the increase in these crops, and even made the indexes reduce substantially, the problem of illicit crops is maintained and due to the already known factors, it has a preponderant role in The theme as such.

Another aspect is the geographical position, taking into account that our degree work is focused and limited in the southern Pacific, and this document, although it presents characteristics and similarity factors, was framed in the context of the natural region of the Amazon, more exactly in the municipalities of Cartagena del Chaira, Puerto Asís and San José del Guaviare.

However, it is possible to recognize the presence of non -state institutions, as part of the actors that influence and converge in the international system, so that, as Ramírez establishes, the slow advances in the Amazon or Andean Concertación, Cooperation and Integration limit the State capabilities to deal with border problems. Thus, the Organization of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty (OTCA) has been reduced to a bilateral instrument of Brazil with each Amazon country, or on the other hand, the Andean Community (CAN) has been dismantled and its regulations paralyzed by differences of economic models and of political options, as well as by tensions between central governments.

Vargas (2008) also states that, modern politics (2009-2013), does not seek to replace coca or generate development for areas that depend on the cocalera economy, but has produced an articulation of development with security, and security is The one that determines where these programs are focused, state programs which require the non -presence of coca crops as a condition prior to the intervention, and taking into account that, the spotlights will be in specific regions, the approach, is evidenced as a strategy of Social consolidation of territories of the Colombian government.

It is important to highlight as particularity the application of policies aimed at overcoming illegal economies, by strengthening the presence of public force in difficult access areas, an improvement in the administration of resources so that it is insisted on efficient information systems To improve the coverage and quality of services, doing this through the State, through the promotion of productive activities, reduction of costs for agriculture, and national and international support for establishing alternatives to narco crops crops. (Borrero, 2004)

In addition, in the development of its article (Vargas, 2008) it establishes as the security policy, which directs regionalization, has four (4) zones, like this:

Areas in the process of institutional recovery: are areas where the Patriot Plan and Plan Colombia were carried out with guerrillas replication. They are located in Caquetá in the part of the middle and Bajo Caguán, in the Guaviare in the area of ​​influence of the head of San José, in the return and squid, in the goal in the Sierra de la Macarena, in the north of Cauca And in the Montes de María. This is where the current approach operates to consolidate the territories in which the democratic security offensive was generated. two. Paramilitary demobilization zones: in the low and medium attraction, in the south of Córdoba, Catatumbo, Sierra Nevada, in the Curillo-Florence Axis of Caquetá, in Putumayo in some areas of influence of headers and in Tumaco. There also operates the current targeting to which the reintegration program, mainly paramilitary, and the Rauseque Families program is added. 3. Border Areas: Located in Putumayo, specifically in the rural parts of San Miguel, Valle del Guamuez and Puerto Asís, and in Arauca. Actions in these areas are based on military offensive, forced manual eradication and aerial sprinkles. 4. Retaguardia areas of the armed groups: in Caquetá, on the axis of the Florence-San Vicente del Caguán plan, in the Yarí region, in the rural areas of Guaviare, in the south of Tolima and the Canyon of the beautiful.

On the other hand, (Borrero, 2004) establishes that there are “regional disputes, areas of obtaining resources and strategic corridors disputes between illegal armed actors of the conflict, guerrillas and self-defense groups for resources, and those that hold against the State by strategic corridors And against the official policy of eradication of illicit crops, they give rise to a complex picture of the Geo Colombian War strategy. Demarcating the territory like this: 1.The Urabá region: the fronts of the bass attrato and the foothills of the paramillo knot. two. The Pacific Zócalo and the Western Cordillera. 3. The Putumayo. The borders with Ecuador and Peru. 4. The Oriental Cordillera Corridor – Guaviare – Borders with Venezuela and Brazil. 5. Arauca and Casanare. 6. The catatumbo. 7. The Magdalena River and the Magdalena Medio region.

In conclusion, despite the different perspectives and positions of the authors, similarity is evidence time, a way to put value efficiently to natural resources, as well as to work and capital employees. And it is pertinent to recognize that, in the absence of the State in different regions of the country, there is a presence of different actors and illegal phenomena, which generate changes in the population, such as their economic activity and/or way of supporting their life, as evidence in the previous paragraphs, leading to different purposes on the civil population of these areas, such as migrations, vaccines, forcing.

By way of conclusion, it can be evidence. Therefore, an opportunity to conduct an investigation into the region is evident in mention. However, in the development of work, it is necessary to recognize that, despite the fact that the bibliography consulted and the arguments taken from other texts are not currently reflected and/or explain the current situation.